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I put on an earpiece that connected me to the studio as I dashed from the White House briefing room, past the West Wing's portico entrance, to our camera position on the lawn.
The broadcaster then questioned me regarding the remarks made by US President Donald Trump, which we had just heard in real time.
After decades of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I stated that we were witnessing a major change in the U.S. policy posture.
The broadcaster then questioned me regarding the remarks made by US President Donald Trump, which we had just heard in real time.
After decades of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I stated that we were witnessing a major change in the U.S. policy posture.
This February, Trump had just met with Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister of Israel, who had been invited to the White House for the first time since Trump's presidency. After previously promising that the Gaza Strip would be "cleaned out" and purged of its Palestinian people, the US president declared that his nation would seize control of the region.
With a proposal that defied international law and stiffened his administration's support for Israel, Trump was attracting attention from all across the world. It was the pinnacle of the Republican Party's ongoing relationship with Israel, which has been characterized as support "at all costs" at times.
Following the Hamas attacks on Israel on October 7, 2023, and Israel's subsequent offensive in Gaza, the two nations' cooperation was thrown into the international spotlight.
President Joe Biden's administration continued to provide Israel with historically high levels of US support during that conflict by sending Israel almost $18 billion (£13.5 billion) in weapons. Protests in the US were more intense at this time, and many of the demonstrators were typical Democrats. A sour culture war centered on American views toward Israel and the Palestinians was sparked by the consequences. I reported on protests when demonstrators called Biden "Genocide Joe" on multiple occasions, a charge he consistently denied.
President Joe Biden's administration continued to provide Israel with historically high levels of US support during that conflict by sending Israel almost $18 billion (£13.5 billion) in weapons. Protests in the US were more intense at this time, and many of the demonstrators were typical Democrats. A sour culture war centered on American views toward Israel and the Palestinians was sparked by the consequences. I reported on protests when demonstrators called Biden "Genocide Joe" on multiple occasions, a charge he consistently denied.
Donald Trump called the demonstrators "radical-left lunatics" at the time, and the Trump administration is currently pursuing the deportation of hundreds of international students whom it claims are antisemitic or support Hamas. This action is being fiercely contested in the courts.
However, as a Democrat who would have ordinarily been able to count on the support of many people who were angry about his backing of Israel, Biden paid a political price for that backing that neither Trump nor other presidents had to deal with.
One of Biden's most important decision-makers about Israel relations is still struggling with the choices they made.
However, as a Democrat who would have ordinarily been able to count on the support of many people who were angry about his backing of Israel, Biden paid a political price for that backing that neither Trump nor other presidents had to deal with.
One of Biden's most important decision-makers about Israel relations is still struggling with the choices they made.
Jake Sullivan, Biden's former national security advisor, said, "My first reaction is just, I understand that this has evoked incredibly passionate feelings for Arab Americans, for non-Arab Americans, and for Jewish Americans."
"The desire to limit Israel's excesses, both in terms of civilian losses and the flow of humanitarian aid, was one of the two conflicting factors. The second was [...] wanting to ensure that we were not denying Israel the resources it required to fight its enemies on several fronts."
He continued, "The United States stood behind Israel materially, morally, and in every other way in those days following October 7th."
"The desire to limit Israel's excesses, both in terms of civilian losses and the flow of humanitarian aid, was one of the two conflicting factors. The second was [...] wanting to ensure that we were not denying Israel the resources it required to fight its enemies on several fronts."
He continued, "The United States stood behind Israel materially, morally, and in every other way in those days following October 7th."
However, surveys indicate that American public support for Israel is declining.
Only 46% of Americans said they supported Israel, the lowest percentage in 25 years of Gallup's yearly tracking, according to a Gallup poll conducted in March of this year. At the same time, 33% of Americans said they sympathized with the Palestinians, the highest percentage ever recorded. Other surveys have reported similar findings.
Despite their limits, surveys indicate that the swing is mostly, but not completely, among young people and Democrats. According to the Pew Research Center, the percentage of Republicans who stated they had negative opinions of Israel increased from 27% to 37% between 2022 and 2025. The majority of this rise was driven by younger Republicans, those under the age of 49.
Only 46% of Americans said they supported Israel, the lowest percentage in 25 years of Gallup's yearly tracking, according to a Gallup poll conducted in March of this year. At the same time, 33% of Americans said they sympathized with the Palestinians, the highest percentage ever recorded. Other surveys have reported similar findings.
Despite their limits, surveys indicate that the swing is mostly, but not completely, among young people and Democrats. According to the Pew Research Center, the percentage of Republicans who stated they had negative opinions of Israel increased from 27% to 37% between 2022 and 2025. The majority of this rise was driven by younger Republicans, those under the age of 49.
Since the United States was the first nation to recognize the fledgling State of Israel in May 1948, the US has been Israel's most potent ally. Even though US support for Israel is very likely to endure in the long run, these fluctuations in opinion raise concerns about the US's unwavering support's practicality and policy boundaries, as well as whether the shifting tides of public opinion will eventually affect Washington's actual policies.
A disagreement in the Oval Office
Many people believe that the strong ties between the US and Israel are an inseparable, long-lasting component of the geopolitical system. However, it wasn't always assured, and it mostly depended on one individual in the beginning.US President Harry S. Truman had to make a decision about his strategy for Palestine at the beginning of 1948. After Britain had declared its intention to withdraw from colonial administration for thirty years, the country was engulfed in sectarian violence between Arab Palestinians and Jews. The situation of Jewish Holocaust survivors stuck in European camps for displaced people profoundly affected Truman.
Francine Klagsbrun, who would go on to become a scholar and historian of Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, was a small girl in New York City when she saw her parents praying for a Jewish country.
"I grew up in a very Jewish home and a very Zionist home also," she says. To try to persuade England to open the doors, my older brother and I would go out and gather money. "Open, open, open the doors to Palestine," she remembers her brother saying as he rode the metro trains with all the doors open.
There was a great deal of disagreement within Truman's cabinet on support for a Jewish state. A Jewish state should not be recognized, the Department of State and the CIA warned. They were afraid that a violent war with Arab nations might attract the US and cause the Cold War to worsen with the Soviet Union.
There was a great deal of disagreement within Truman's cabinet on support for a Jewish state. A Jewish state should not be recognized, the Department of State and the CIA warned. They were afraid that a violent war with Arab nations might attract the US and cause the Cold War to worsen with the Soviet Union.
A heated altercation broke out in the Oval Office two days before Britain's scheduled withdrawal from Palestine. Clark Clifford, Truman's domestic advisor, supported the idea of recognizing a Jewish state. Secretary of State George Marshall, a World War II general whom Truman considered "the greatest living American," was on the opposing side of the argument.
Because he was concerned about a regional conflict, the man Truman greatly loved was adamantly against the president's early recognition of a Jewish state. He even threatened to vote against Truman in the upcoming presidential election if he supported recognition.
Because he was concerned about a regional conflict, the man Truman greatly loved was adamantly against the president's early recognition of a Jewish state. He even threatened to vote against Truman in the upcoming presidential election if he supported recognition.
However, when David Ben-Gurion, the nation's first prime minister, announced the creation of the State of Israel two days later, Truman recognized it right away despite the extremely tense time.
Rashid Khalidi, a Palestinian historian who was born in New York and whose family was driven out of Jerusalem by the British in the 1930s, claims that shared cultural ties played a role in the unification of the US and Israel. He claims that the Palestinians had a serious diplomatic setback in the US starting in 1948, as their right to national self-determination was marginalized in an unfair competition.
Rashid Khalidi, a Palestinian historian who was born in New York and whose family was driven out of Jerusalem by the British in the 1930s, claims that shared cultural ties played a role in the unification of the US and Israel. He claims that the Palestinians had a serious diplomatic setback in the US starting in 1948, as their right to national self-determination was marginalized in an unfair competition.
"The Zionist movement, which was led by individuals of European and American descent, was on one side. He claims that the Arabs had nothing comparable. "The societies, cultures, and political leaderships of the nations that determined Palestine's fate were unfamiliar to [the Arabs]." "If you didn't know what America is like, how could you speak to American public opinion?" Khalidi asks.
Popular culture also had an impact, particularly the 1958 book and popular movie Exodus by Leon Uris. The film version created a highly Americanized picture of pioneers in a new place, retelling the tale of Israel's founding to large audiences in the 1960s.
Popular culture also had an impact, particularly the 1958 book and popular movie Exodus by Leon Uris. The film version created a highly Americanized picture of pioneers in a new place, retelling the tale of Israel's founding to large audiences in the 1960s.
Ehud Olmert, a political activist at the time who would go on to become prime minister of Israel, cites the 1967 war as the turning point in the development of America's alliance with Israel into what it is now.
In that conflict, Israel effectively tripled its territory and began its military occupation of over a million stateless Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza after defeating the Arab nations in six days following weeks of growing fears of an invasion by its neighbors.
In that conflict, Israel effectively tripled its territory and began its military occupation of over a million stateless Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza after defeating the Arab nations in six days following weeks of growing fears of an invasion by its neighbors.
"For the first time, the United States understood the importance and the significance of Israel as a major military and political power in the Middle East, and since then, everything has changed in the basic relations between our two countries," according to him.
However, it hasn't been an easy partnership in recent years.
Essential connections
Over time, Israel emerged as the world's largest receiver of US military assistance abroad. The alliance has benefited greatly from strong US diplomatic backing, especially at the UN, and US presidents have also worked to mediate peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors.However, it hasn't been an easy partnership in recent years.
I brought up the topic of Arab Americans in Michigan who voted for Trump instead of Biden and his successor Kamala Harris because of their strong support for Israel during the Gaza conflict when I spoke with Jake Sullivan. He denied that this assistance was the reason Biden lost the state.
However, certain members of the American people still strongly objected to that support.
According to a Pew Research Center study conducted in March of this year, 53% of Americans have a negative impression of Israel, which is an increase of 11 percentage points since the survey's last administration in 2022.
However, certain members of the American people still strongly objected to that support.
According to a Pew Research Center study conducted in March of this year, 53% of Americans have a negative impression of Israel, which is an increase of 11 percentage points since the survey's last administration in 2022.
A deteriorating special bond?
As of right now, these changes in popular sentiment haven't led to a significant alteration in US foreign policy. On Capitol Hill, elected lawmakers from both parties are still eager to emphasize the value of a solid connection with Israel, even though some regular US people are moving away from Israel.Some believe that a long-term, persistent change in public sentiment may ultimately result in less practical support for the nation, including weakened diplomatic relations and less military assistance. Some people in Israel are especially affected by this issue. Tamir Hayman, the chief of the Military Intelligence Directorate and a former Israeli general, warned of rifts between his nation and the United States months before October 7, citing the gradual shift of American Jews away from Zionism as one of the main causes.
A major factor in this has been Israel's political move toward the national-religious right. An unprecedented surge of Jewish Israeli protests against Netanyahu's judicial changes began in early 2023. Many claimed he was bringing the country closer to theocracy, a charge he consistently denied. Some Americans who had traditionally had a strong bond with Israel were becoming increasingly alarmed as they watched.
A document stating that US public opinion has entered the "danger zone" in terms of support for Israel was issued in March of this year by Hayman's Institute for National Security Studies, a prominent think tank based in Tel Aviv. "The dangers of diminished US support, particularly as it reflects long-term and deeply rooted trends, cannot be overstated," Theodore Sasson, the paper's author, wrote. "Israel needs the support of the global superpower for the foreseeable future,".
Although this support at the policy level has only become stronger over the years, it's vital to remember that public opinion has fluctuated in the past, according to historical American opinion surveys.
Although this support at the policy level has only become stronger over the years, it's vital to remember that public opinion has fluctuated in the past, according to historical American opinion surveys.
Dennis Ross, who worked with President Bill Clinton to negotiate the Oslo Accords, claims that American views on Israel are now more closely linked to the country's stark political divisions.
"Trump is viewed very negatively by most Democrats - the latest polls show over 90 percent," Ross stated. "There's potential for Trumpian support for Israel to feed a dynamic here that, at least among Democrats, increases criticism of Israel."
"Trump is viewed very negatively by most Democrats - the latest polls show over 90 percent," Ross stated. "There's potential for Trumpian support for Israel to feed a dynamic here that, at least among Democrats, increases criticism of Israel."
However, he anticipates that Washington will continue to support Israel through diplomatic relations and military assistance. Additionally, he believes that part of the unrest in the US might be reversed if Israeli voters remove their prime minister and install a more moderate administration in his place. Israel must have a general election by the end of October of the following year.
Ross contends that "there won't be the same impulse towards creating de facto annexation of the West Bank" under such a new Israeli government. Outreach to Democratic Party officials and members will increase significantly.
Ross contends that "there won't be the same impulse towards creating de facto annexation of the West Bank" under such a new Israeli government. Outreach to Democratic Party officials and members will increase significantly.
Those who perceive a deteriorating connection are especially interested in the opinions of younger Americans, whose opinions have changed the most since October 7. Many young Americans, known as the "TikTok generation," rely on social media to stay informed about the conflict, and the high number of civilian deaths resulting from Israel's offensive in Gaza seems to have contributed to the decline in support among American liberals and young Democrats. According to a Pew Research poll released last month, 33 percent of Americans under 30 said they sympathized totally or largely with Palestinians last year, compared to 14 percent who said the same about Israelis. The likelihood of older Americans sympathizing with the Israelis was higher.
There is a demographic difference among Americans about Israel, according to Karin Von Hippel, chair of the Arden Defence and Security Practice and a former US State Department official. This divide even reaches Congress.
"Younger Congressmen and women are less knee-jerk reactively supporting Israel," she claims. "And I think younger Americans, including Jewish Americans, are less supportive of Israel than their parents were."
"Younger Congressmen and women are less knee-jerk reactively supporting Israel," she claims. "And I think younger Americans, including Jewish Americans, are less supportive of Israel than their parents were."
However, she is skeptical that this may result in a significant shift in policy. She claims that many of the most well-known Democrats who could run for president in 2028 are "classically supportive of Israel" despite shifting views within the party's base. She cites former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg and Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer as examples. And what about Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who has been a longtime advocate for Palestinian rights and is well-known on Instagram? Hippel gives a direct response, saying, "I don't think an Ocasio-Cortez type can win right now."
In the weeks following February's Trump-Netanyahu news conference at the White House, I asked Jake Sullivan how he saw the US-Israel relationship progressing. He contended that both countries were grappling with internal threats to their democratic systems, which would shape their personalities and relationships.
"I think it's almost less of a foreign policy question than it is a domestic policy question in these two countries-whither America and whither Israel?" adds the politician. "The answer to those two questions will tell you where the US-Israel relationship goes five, ten, fifteen years from now."
"I think it's almost less of a foreign policy question than it is a domestic policy question in these two countries-whither America and whither Israel?" adds the politician. "The answer to those two questions will tell you where the US-Israel relationship goes five, ten, fifteen years from now."
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