Benjamin Netanyahu, who is Israel's longest-serving prime minister and a dominant figure in its political landscape, remains steadfast in his belief regarding the war in Gaza.
Since Hamas launched its attack on Israel nearly two years ago, it has conveyed a clear and consistent message to both Israel and the international community. He articulated this point decisively when he initiated the first major ground offensive in the Gaza Strip on October 28, 2023, three weeks after the attacks, and has reiterated his themes numerous times since.
"We will fight to defend our homeland. We will fight and not back down. We will engage in land, sea, and air operations. We will eliminate the enemy both above and below ground. We will fight, and we will prevail.
"This will represent a triumph of good over evil, of light overcoming darkness, of life triumphing over death. In this conflict, we will remain resolute, more united than ever, confident in the righteousness of our cause."
His address mirrored the tone of Winston Churchill's rallying speech in June 1940, when he declared, "We shall fight on the beaches," following Britain's defeat by Germany in northern France and the evacuation of over 338,000 Allied troops from Dunkirk.
Before Churchill made his renowned declaration that "we shall never surrender," he candidly spoke to the British about the "colossal military disaster" they had faced.
On October 7, Hamas inflicted Israel's most severe setback in a single day, and the anxiety that it could penetrate borders, kill, and take many hostages persists intensely in Israel. This significantly affects public opinion regarding the conflict, its management, and potential resolution.
While very few Israelis have challenged the legitimacy of their cause, Netanyahu's claim that they would be "more united than ever" sharply contrasts with the situation in Israel nearly two years later.
Israel is currently more divided than it has ever been in its history, and Netanyahu, a figure who was already polarizing before the Hamas attack, is presiding over societal divisions that have deepened into substantial rifts.
Israeli views on the anguish in Gaza are diverse.
At the outskirts of an anti-Netanyahu demonstration in Tel Aviv, several hundred Israelis stood in quiet protest, each holding a sign with the name of a Palestinian child who lost their life in Gaza as a result of Israeli actions.
Many of these signs featured a photo of a smiling child, along with their birth date and the date of their death. For those children without pictures, a drawing of a flower served as a symbol.
The silent protests aimed at ending the violence are increasing in size, with some occurring outside military airbases as demonstrators attempt to capture attention.
"On the street, we're receiving a lot of positive feedback, such as people expressing their gratitude. However, we also have many individuals who are angry and highly offended by these images."
I inquired whether they are accused of being traitors. "Absolutely, they frequently call us that, saying if we hold our beliefs or behave in our manner, we should simply go… live in Gaza."
"They cannot comprehend how the fundamental concept of critiquing the state is inherent in democracy."
Polls conducted after the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) resumed conflict in Gaza in March, breaking the previous ceasefire, indicate that a significant majority of Jewish Israelis are not concerned about Palestinian suffering in Gaza.
A survey taken in the final three days of July by the Israeli Democracy Institute revealed that 78% of Jewish Israelis, who represent four-fifths of the population, believe that, given the constraints of the conflict, Israel "is making significant efforts to prevent unnecessary suffering to Palestinians in Gaza."
The pollsters also asked a more personal inquiry, asking if individuals were "troubled or not troubled by the reports of famine and suffering among the Palestinian population in Gaza?"
Approximately 79% of Jewish Israelis surveyed indicated they were not troubled. In contrast, 86% of those from Israel's Palestinian Arab minority who were asked the same question reported that they were either very or somewhat troubled.
Netanyahu, along with his ministers and spokespersons, maintains that Hamas, the United Nations, witnesses, aid workers, and foreign governments are spreading falsehoods about the humanitarian situation in Gaza.
During a news conference held in English for the global press on 10 August, Netanyahu denounced reports of famine in Gaza. He aimed "to expose the falsehoods… the only individuals being deprived in Gaza are our captives".
For many years, he has equated criticism of Israel with being antisemitic. Reports of hunger and IDF troops shooting Palestinians fighting to obtain food, which have been recognized and denounced by Israel's partners, such as Britain, France, and Germany, should be seen in light of the extensive history of Jewish persecution in Europe.
"We were accused of disseminating pests to Christian society, we were accused of contaminating the wells, we were accused of killing Christian children for their blood."
"As these falsehoods circulated worldwide, they were accompanied by terrible, terrible massacres, pogroms, displacements, ultimately leading to the worst massacre of all – the Holocaust."
"Currently, the Jewish state is being defamed comparably."
'We are experiencing a time of trauma - hostages are perishing'
Ms. Peretz holds the Israeli media responsible for failing to portray the suffering and fatalities of Palestinians.
The topic became more central to the national discourse when it was brought up on a well-known Saturday night talk show presented by Eyal Berkovic, the ex-West Ham United footballer.
Among the frequent visitors was an Israeli reporter named Emmanuelle Elbaz-Phelps. They had been talking, as they had before, about the anguish of the hostages and their families, as well as the Israeli soldiers who had died while battling in Gaza.
"I merely mentioned that the conflict is also resulting in many Palestinian deaths in Gaza, which is a straightforward observation, without any political perspective." "There was no willingness to hear it."
Voices became elevated. Eyal Berkovic has established himself as a television presenter by being unreserved.
Ms Elbaz-Phelps, who additionally serves as a correspondent for French television, remembered his reply. "He mentioned that I needn't concern myself with the individuals in Gaza, as they are my adversaries." In response, I expressed my concern regarding the dreadful images emerging from that place.
"And he responded, undoubtedly, you can make your point."
"This accurately reflects the views of the Israeli public."
She supported the efforts of Israeli journalists. "She argues that 95% of the information the world has about Israel's government and its decisions comes from Israeli journalists."
"However, I believe there is a significant contrast between discussing something and demonstrating it, and you will observe aerial images of Gaza that primarily aim to illustrate how the IDF is succeeding in the ground conflict."
"You lack human narratives, you lack identities… as Israelis are suffering, and the stories are unfolding within Israel as well."
Ms. Elbaz-Phelps thinks that the cause is that Israelis are still coping with their trauma since October 7.
"The term abroad encompasses Gaza and addresses the hardships of its inhabitants." Which is correct, but I believe there is a lack of recognition of the extent to which the Israeli population is experiencing trauma.
"We are not in a post-traumatic region." We are in a period of trauma. Captives are perishing within the tunnels of Hamas. [Individuals are] urging the government to seek a solution and arrange a hostage agreement.
"Only after the hostages return home, then perhaps the healing can begin." The suffering of the Israeli public, how deeply they remain affected by October 7, is something that is not fully understood beyond Israel's borders.
Excessively difficult to manage
Approximately 20 Israeli captives are thought to be alive in Gaza. Individuals across the entire political spectrum in Israel were appalled by recent footage shared by their captors depicting two severely malnourished young men in tunnels beneath Gaza.
Their destiny is at the forefront of the perspectives of many Israelis regarding the conflict.t
I encountered the pollster Dahlia Scheindlin, who has frequently criticized Netanyahu's handling of the war in her column for the liberal daily Haaretz, in "hostage square" adjacent to Israel's military headquarters in Tel Aviv.
As of October 2023, this has been the focal point of the campaign by the families of hostages to secure the release of their loved ones from Gaza.
"She states that most Israelis consistently back ending the war to return the hostages."
Discussing the indifference in Israel towards the people of Gaza, she shares: "Many Israelis think that the suffering has been overstated or even somewhat concocted by Hamas."
She adds that Israelis tend to think the issue lies in the way the message is conveyed. "Israelis have had a long-standing fixation on public relations." It is referred to as Hasbara.
The tendency to attribute criticism of Israel to inadequate public messaging has intensified during the war and is amplified regarding the starvation allegations.
The extreme right refers to it as the campaign of deception. They believe that the Israeli media is beginning to report on it is enhancing Hamas' story.
"However, I believe many mainstream Israelis are somewhat hiding it because it’s too difficult for them to handle." This is the sort of thing one hears people mention in personal discussions.
"They are overly preoccupied with the hostages or their relatives engaged in combat in Gaza, and they simply can't cope with the idea that Israel could be at fault."
"It's quite simple to make judgments..."
Beyond the secular Israeli mainstream of Tel Aviv and the Mediterranean coastal cities, I have encountered minimal skepticism regarding the righteousness of Israel's actions in the war.
Located in the occupied West Bank, along a dirt path, is a Jewish settlement known as Esh Kodesh, which is part of a network of minor settlements. Only a generation ago, these were clusters of caravans on hilltops, but they are now firmly established.
Aaron Katzoff, a dad of seven hailing from Los Angeles, has established a winery and bar named "Settlers," which resembles a small slice of the American West. He calls his wine "liquid forecast."
It serves as a social hub, not only for his community but also for a predominantly right-wing and religiously devout clientele who travel great distances to visit.
Several customers were carrying weapons during my visit. A soldier in a soiled uniform sat munching on a burger and sipping red wine with his M-16 resting on his lap. Some had abandoned their firearms at the bar. A woman wore a holster with a 9mm pistol secured over her floral dress. The young men at the table in the corner were, according to Aaron, unwinding after a period in Gaza.
Aaron continues to perform reserve duty as an IDF officer and has participated in combat in Gaza. He is completely confident in the righteousness of Israel's actions.
"Come to a tunnel in Gaza," he said to me. "Experience the lack of oxygen and, in the heat and humidity, attempt to combat terrorists who are concealed behind women and children while they fire at you…"
"It’s simple to judge others from an air-conditioned room; war is far from simple."
What, I inquired, about concluding the war now, as many Israelis desire?
"At times, reaching it immediately isn't possible..." You desire for everything to resemble Wonderland... yet the reality is different.
"Certain things require time, and it's unfortunate, but that's the truth."
A breakdown of backing before 7 October
In the weeks before 7 October 2023, thousands of Israelis were protesting in the streets against proposals to alter the judicial system, perceiving it as an attack on democracy.
"This government has faced unpopularity since long before the war began," claims Ms. Scheindlin.
"Once the war started, unlike in most other nations where support for the government surged, there was a total breakdown of support."
A sufficient part of Netanyahu's political support on Israel's right side agrees with his claim that the war must not conclude until complete triumph over Hamas, allowing him to recover his poll numbers from an all-time low. However, he continues to lag behind rival parties.
They have cited evidence that they claim demonstrates he is extending the war to remain in power. As a private individual, he would encounter a national investigation regarding the security lapses that allowed Hamas its opportunity on 7 October 2023.
His lengthy trial concerning corruption allegations severe enough to lead to a possible prison term would also speed up from its current sluggish pace.
Ultranationalists within his coalition, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, have warned that they will bring down his government if he strikes any agreement with Hamas.s
They seek not only to defeat Hamas but also to annex Gaza, expel Palestinians, and replace them with Jewish settlers.
The hostages' families have urged Netanyahu to negotiate with Hamas before the remaining captives perish.
However, the prime minister, reiterating his message of a struggle for complete triumph, revealed a fresh military campaign that has horrified numerous families of hostages and drawn criticism from several of Israel's allies.
The current leadership of the IDF also opposed Netanyahu's plans. General Eyal Zamir, the chief of staff, expressed his opposition to the Netanyahu plan for a new Gaza offensive, allegedly informing the cabinet that it would jeopardize the hostages and exacerbate the humanitarian crisis.
Zamir took office in March after his predecessor stepped down following a disagreement with the prime minister regarding the management of the war.
Currently, the Israeli media is conjecturing that Netanyahu will compel Zamir to step down. A report indicates Zamir believes he has been "targeted for removal" for opposing Netanyahu's proposal.
'This resembles a miraculous time.'
The conflict has further deepened the divide between the secular community and the religious right. Moving between protests by secular Israelis in Tel Aviv and their religious counterparts in Jerusalem can resemble traveling between two distinct nations.
Conflict is consistently distressing. Yet for certain members of Israel's staunch religious nationalist right, it represents an opportunity, even a miraculous period signaling the arrival of the messiah.
Orit Strock, a minister from the Religious Zionism party led by Smotrich, stated last summer that the war had shifted circumstances in their favor. "In my opinion, this feels like a miraculous time," she stated.
Some perceive an opportunity provided by God to convert Israel into a nation governed by the Torah, the divine law revealed to Moses and presented in the five books of the Hebrew scripture.s
Conflict can also accelerate their urge to alter the map. They hold the belief that God granted all the territory from the Mediterranean to the Jordan River to the Jews.
No room can be permitted for the dwindling group of Palestinians who still think it could be feasible to achieve peace with Israel by establishing an independent state in Gaza and the West Bank, with its capital in East Jerusalem.
Smotrich has stated that the Jewish state ought to encompass both banks of the Jordan River, including Jordan and extending to Damascus, Syria's capital.
The expansion of religious law is not a government policy, nor is the enlargement of Israel's borders beyond the River Jordan. However, obstructing a Palestinian state is fundamental to the Netanyahu coalition.
The coalition can remain in power only if Smotrich and Ben-Gvir continue to back it. That grants them an unequal level of influence over the prime minister.r
On 6 May, Smotrich presented his perspective on Gaza and the West Bank, areas where Palestinians seek statehood. Many Western governments, such as the United Kingdom, view Palestinian statehood alongside Israel as the sole solution to end a conflict that has persisted for over a century over the land desired by both Arabs and Jews.
Rather, Smotrich stated that in six months, the inhabitants of Gaza would be restricted to a small area of land. The remainder of the area would be "completely devastated" and "devoid".
Palestinians in Gaza would feel "completely hopeless, realizing there is no future and nothing to seek in Gaza, and will seek to relocate to start anew elsewhere."
Strain in the historic town
In the occupied old city of Jerusalem on Sunday, August 3, numerous Palestinians closed their shops and businesses and remained off the streets while Israeli Jews commemorated Tisha B'Av.
It is a day of sorrow for the devastation of Jerusalem's first Jewish Temple by the Babylonians and the second one by the Romans.
The location of the Temples was later transformed into the third most sacred site for Muslims, currently characterized by the al-Aqsa mosque, where they believe the prophet Muhammad completed his night journey from Mecca, and the iconic dome of Dome of the Rock, marking his ascent to heaven.
To maintain harmony in a space that holds religious and national significance for both Israelis and Palestinians, a collection of laws and traditions, referred to as the status quo, is meant to be upheld.
A rule prohibits Jewish prayer at the al-Aqsa compound, referred to by Palestinians as the Noble Sanctuary. It has been disregarded in recent years with the support of Ben-Gvir.
On Tisha B'Av, he personally went there to conduct prayers, a gesture that in the delicate and tense holy city was viewed by some as a provocative political act.
Scores of his supporters – along with the heavily armed police he leads as national security minister – accompanied him as he walked through the narrow lane of the Old City, passing through the gates to the site Israelis refer to as the Temple Mount.
In addition to praying, he delivered a speech connecting his presence and petitions in Jerusalem to the conflict in Gaza and his vision for transforming Israel.
He stated that the videos of the two starving Israeli hostages were an effort to pressure the state of Israel, which needed to be resisted.
"From Temple Mount - the site where we demonstrated that governance and sovereignty are achievable - from here, of all locations, we ought to convey a message and ensure that today we seize all of the Gaza Strip, declare sovereignty over the entire Gaza Strip, eliminate every Hamas member, and promote voluntary emigration."
"This is the only way we can secure the hostages and achieve victory in the war."
'We want our home returned'
Once Ben-Gvir departed, a large group of his youthful religious followers remained to pray in an extended, sheltered passageway.
The sound of their prayers resonated against the arched stone ceiling. Two young women, Ateret and Tamar, feeling sorrowful about the religious observance yet seemingly hopeful for the future, shared their reasons for thinking that the Temple Mount represents the essence of Judaism.
Ateret stated that the annihilation of the Temples signifies, "it's akin to having a body, yet your heart is absent."
"We simply want to express that we want our captives returned." We desire for everyone to experience peace. This is the essence of the entire world, not just our hearts. "When God arrives, the world will experience peace."
They stated they pray daily for the building of a third Temple at the location. "Our home has belonged to us for millennia, and now that we’ve returned, we want our home."
When I inquired about the future of the Muslim sacred sites currently located there, they replied that they were uncertain.
Ateret and Tamar appeared to be kind spirits, infused with spiritual passion.
Per senior diplomatic sources, the major concern for security agencies in both Israel and its neighboring Arab states is that a violent Jewish extremist could attempt to harm al-Aqsa mosque to instigate the building of the third temple, an action that could threaten to inflame the area.
'We are split from within'
At the opposite end of the political spectrum is Avrum Burg, a writer and vocal critic of Netanyahu, who was once among Israel's leading centre-left politicians. From 1999 to 2003, he served as the speaker of the Knesset, Israel's parliament, and prior to that, he led the Jewish Agency and the World Zionist Organization, both esteemed Zionist institutions.
Currently, he is one of those who do not view the war as a miraculous opportunity to change the nation.
Mr. Burg observes that Israelis are "situated somewhere between emotional religious fervor and psychological anguish."
He contends that there is no compromise. Some Israelis, along with most of the government, feel that we are experiencing a miraculous era. It’s a chance. It's a gift from God. It is a unique opportunity to realign, reorganize, and reconnect with history.
"Thus, numerous Israelis feel and perceive – what for?" What is the implication of that? Why must I bear the cost? It's a pointless conflict. In the middle, there is no Israel. Israel possesses a fragmented, fractured, and divided social fabric.
The psychological anguish – and frustration – with Israel's government is evident at the ongoing protests demanding Netanyahu's resignation.
At one, on a warm and muggy evening in Tel Aviv, non-religious critics of the administration waved the blue and white Star of David flag, shouted, and hit drums until they fell silent for the national anthem.
Subsequently, they heard talks from former veteran leaders of the military and law enforcement urging a halt to hostilities.
Behind the scenes, Nava Rosalio, the coordinator of numerous large protests against the Netanyahu administration, clarified their stance.
"We aim to oust Netanyahu's administration while also securing the release of all hostages in a single agreement, thereby concluding Netanyahu's conflict in Gaza, which has now turned entirely political and serves solely to preserve the political survival of Netanyahu and his allies."
I proposed that some could charge her with echoing the Hamas stance. For over a year, negotiators from Hamas have proposed releasing all hostages if the IDF withdrew from Gaza, with assurances from the US and others that Israel would not resume hostilities after retrieving its citizens. Israel, on the other hand, asserts that Hamas needs to be completely disarmed, should not have any future involvement in Gaza, and that Israel will maintain security oversight in Gaza, along with the authority to determine the next steps.
However, Ms. Rosalio rejected the idea that a ceasefire agreement could be seen as a victory for Hamas. "That is for promoting an agenda." We possess a strong military… capable of remaining outside the Gaza Strip to defend the border.
"There's no justification for remaining, unless they envision or desire to take control of Gaza and relocate its residents."
"We simply don't accept the justification of claiming we're safeguarding you, the citizens of Israel." If you truly want to safeguard us, you would have concluded this conflict to enable the Israeli people to heal and for society to mend.
"We are pulled apart from within."
In the hands of God
Over the past three weeks, I have journeyed between both sides of Israel, witnessing leftists in Tel Aviv quietly demonstrating against the deaths of Palestinian children, showcasing the "psychological despair" mentioned by Avrum Burg, the ex-parliament speaker.
Yet, on the opposite side of Israel, I have observed a strong sentiment that Israel ought to disregard the increasing pressure and criticism from certain allies and adversaries, a belief that its actions are warranted by Hamas's actions on October 7 and the ongoing detention of Israeli hostages in harsh conditions in tunnels.
Israel's prime minister, still publicly supported by US President Donald Trump despite hints of growing frustration over Netanyahu's unwillingness to negotiate a hostage deal, is organizing another military operation and charges Israel's allies with ingrained antisemitism.
Messianic religious Zionists backing him feel that God is on their side and providing miracles.
In the heart of the West Bank, overlooking the Jordan Valley, Aaron Katzoff and his companions at the Settlers wine bar feel they are realizing the prophecies of the scriptures while sipping wine made from grapes he proudly claims were cultivated using ancient techniques.
His content and cheerful clients think that the secular liberals demonstrating against Netanyahu in Tel Aviv are the Israelis of the past. Currently, the destiny of their state lies with them and with Go, and they are assured that everything will turn out positively.
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